2026-05-01
Preferences about spending on health and education
90% of Argentines reject cuts to public health and education. Yet Milei won promising exactly that.
4 in 10 US Republicans support universal healthcare. Yet they vote for candidates who oppose it.
The question: Why do voters choose candidates whose policies they oppose?
Median Voter Theorem predicts convergence and policy-based voting.
Reality:
This paper: We measure the disconnect—and show it predicts voting.
| Ideology | Policy | |
|---|---|---|
| Nature | Abstract, symbolic | Concrete, operational |
| Example | “Smaller government is better” | “Privatize Aerolíneas Argentinas” |
| Literature | Converse (1964); Ellis & Stimson (2012) | Alesina et al. (2020) |
Ellis & Stimson (2012): 25-32% of Americans are “conflicted conservatives”—identify conservative but support liberal policies.
Our contribution: Measure this spatially in two dimensions, link to vote choice.
Ideology Survey
Policy Survey
Each respondent gets two positions on the political compass → the gap between them is our key variable.
| 2024 Wave | 2025 Wave | Combined | |
|---|---|---|---|
| N | 25 | 23 | 48 |
| Milei voters | 15 | 19 | 34 |
| Massa voters | 4 | 3 | 7 |
| Blank/No vote | 6 | 1 | 7 |
We locate candidates on the same compass using LLM-based inference:
Result (ballotage candidates):
| Candidate | Economic | Social |
|---|---|---|
| Milei | +9.0 | +3.0 |
| Massa | -6.75 | -1.0 |
Policy positions with candidate locations. Blue = Milei voters, Red = Massa voters.
Arrows show direction and magnitude of each voter’s ideology-policy gap.
Voters are systematically more centrist than the candidates they vote for. Dashed arrows show distance to “own” candidate.
Inverse Median Voter?
Milei voters average 8.66 units from Milei. Massa voters average 3.04 units from Massa. Candidates are more extreme than their supporters!
Logistic regression: Distance to candidates in ideology and policy space
| Model | Accuracy | N |
|---|---|---|
| Ideology distance only | 58.5% | 41 |
| Policy distance only | 48.8% | 41 |
| Logistic (ideology) | 92.7% | 41 |
| Logistic (policy) | 90.2% | 41 |
| Full model (ideology + policy) | 92.7% | 41 |
Robustness: Leave-one-out CV = 87.8%; Bootstrap 95% CI = [82.9%, 97.6%]
We transform the probabilistic voting model into a spatial loss function:
\[L^{ij} = \alpha \sqrt{(\sigma^{ij} - \sigma^A)^2} + \beta \sqrt{(q^{ij} - q^A)^2}\]
The logistic specification for vote probability:
\[P(V_i = \text{Milei}) = \frac{1}{1 + \exp\left( -\gamma_0 - \alpha \cdot \Delta d_{\text{ideo}}^{i} - \beta \cdot \Delta d_{\text{pol}}^{i} \right)}\]
Where \(\Delta d = d^{Massa} - d^{Milei}\) (positive = closer to Milei)
Probability of voting Milei as a function of ideological and policy distance differentials. Steeper curves = stronger predictive power.
Confusion matrix showing predicted vs. observed votes. 38 of 41 votes correctly classified (92.7% accuracy).
Key Insight
The model correctly identifies all 7 Massa voters and misclassifies only 3 of 34 Milei voters as Massa supporters.
Gap magnitude by vote choice. Milei voters show systematically larger ideology-policy divergence.
| Vote | Mean Gap | Median Gap | SD |
|---|---|---|---|
| Milei | 3.21 | 2.60 | 1.77 |
| Massa | 2.06 | 2.44 | 1.32 |
Interpretation: Milei voters are more likely to be “conflicted”—their ideology and policy positions diverge more.
Four types of voters based on gap direction. “Conflicted” voters show ideology-policy mismatch.
| Type | Description | % of Sample |
|---|---|---|
| Consistent Right | Right ideology, right policy | 39% |
| Consistent Left | Left ideology, left policy | 17% |
| Conflicted Right | Right ideology, left policy | 27% |
| Conflicted Left | Left ideology, right policy | 17% |
~44% of voters show some form of ideological conflict—their policy stance doesn’t match their stated ideology.
Ideology ≠ Policy — 44% of voters show meaningful divergence between their ideological identity and policy preferences
Asymmetric conflict — Right-wing voters exhibit larger gaps, consistent with “symbolic conservatism” (Ellis & Stimson)
Predictive power — Spatial distances outperform simple proximity models by 35+ percentage points
Inverse MVT — Candidates are more extreme than their voters, not the reverse
| Finding | Related Work |
|---|---|
| Ideology-policy gap exists | Ellis & Stimson (2012); Claassen et al. (2015) |
| Gap varies by partisanship | Achen & Bartels (2016); Mason (2018) |
| Voters more centrist than candidates | Fiorina (2017); elite polarization |
| Policy misperceptions | Alesina, Stantcheva & Teso (2018) |
Our contribution: First spatial measurement of the gap at individual level, linked to vote choice.
But: Proof of concept for methodology; replication underway.
Ultimate goal: Understand when and why ideology decouples from policy in voter decision-making.
Methodology: Separate ideology from policy using parallel questionnaires; locate voters and candidates in 2D space
Main finding: The ideology-policy gap predicts voting with 92.7% accuracy (robust to cross-validation)
Substantive insight: ~44% of voters are “conflicted”—Milei voters especially show large gaps
Implication: Voters may choose candidates based on identity despite disagreeing on policy
Voters don’t vote their interests. They don’t even vote their stated beliefs. They vote the gap between who they think they are and what they actually want.
Thank you.
sfreille@unc.edu.ar
Coefficient estimates with 95% bootstrap confidence intervals.
1,000 bootstrap replications. 95% CI: [82.9%, 97.6%].
Policy positions faceted by 2024 vs 2025 cohort. Results stable across waves.
Distribution of ideology-policy gap magnitude across all voters.
Scatterplot of economic vs. social gap direction. Quadrants show conflict types.
Self-reported political identities. Multiple selections allowed.
Ideology and policy positions grouped by self-reported identity.
Average position of Milei and Massa voters vs. candidate positions. Dashed lines show distance to “own” candidate.
| Model | Correct | Total | Accuracy |
|---|---|---|---|
| Ideology-based (nearest candidate) | 24 | 41 | 58.5% |
| Policy-based (nearest candidate) | 20 | 41 | 48.8% |
| Combined (average distance) | 22 | 41 | 53.7% |
| Logistic regression (ideology) | 38 | 41 | 92.7% |
| Logistic regression (policy) | 37 | 41 | 90.2% |
| Logistic regression (full) | 38 | 41 | 92.7% |
| Group | N | Econ Ideo | Social Ideo | Econ Policy | Social Policy |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Milei | 34 | +1.54 | +0.22 | +0.47 | +1.53 |
| Massa | 7 | -3.57 | -3.47 | -4.11 | -2.52 |
| Overall | 41 | +0.67 | -0.41 | -0.31 | +0.84 |
We used Google Gemini 2.5 Pro to locate candidates:
Advantages: Replicable, low-cost, transparent
Limitation: Requires validation against expert surveys
| Year | Accuracy | N |
|---|---|---|
| 2024 | 100.0% | 20 |
| 2025 | 100.0% | 21 |
| Pooled | 92.7% | 41 |
Model performs well in both cohorts separately.
| Metric | Accuracy |
|---|---|
| Euclidean distance | 92.7% |
| Manhattan distance | 90.2% |
Results robust to distance specification.